Great speeches of the modern era.

My own personal favourite is the Martin Luther King I have a dream speech

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3vDWWy4CMhE

Wonderful stuff

Could be one incoming from The Boz at midday

Lol, sorry Charlie but you are funny

He is hysterical Trilby but dont be sorry. People need to know what they are dealing with here.

Yes. Go boris go

Priti Patel 0CTOBER 2019

https://www.conservativehome.com/parliament/2019/10/priti-patel-i-will-give-the-police-the-powers-they-need-to-defeat-crime-full-text-of-her-conference-speech.html
.

The Gettysburg Address will never be beaten. Well until today that is

This is the market without "When the seagull follows the trawler" right?

I would place Eric just a notch above Great tbh but it is all about opinion

Greta *

Parkland shooting survivor Emma Gonzalez.

https://www.teenvogue.com/story/parkland-shooting-survivor-emma-gonzalez-compelling-speech-anti-gun-rally

Oct 2, 2019 -- 10:47AM, Baphornet wrote:

The Gettysburg Address will never be beaten. Well until today that is

Boris in his conference speech today surely surpassed Lincoln:

When the chlorinated chickens waddle from the hen coop where they are hiding that is the vision of the country that we will put to the British people and the choice is clear

well this was the full post; but nice try

The Gettysburg Address will never be beaten. Well until today that is

chlorinated chickens Ever been in a swimming pool, if yes then you have been chlorinated.

This fred is descending into a replay of the Brexit debate. I was merely highlighting an amusingly bonkers phrase from Boris's speech.

If we were debating Brexit, it should be noted that chlorinated chicken is a cover term for the low standards of husbandry and animal welfare in the United States, which is why chickens need to be chlorinated in an attempt to kill their germs. Despite this treatment, America has far higher rates of food poisoning than we do. It does not mean anyone objects to chlorination per se.

Any institution which does not suppose the people good, and the magistrate corruptible,
is evil

Robespierre

“All for one and one for all, united we stand divided we fall.”

Lets be havin ya,hic!



"Lets be havin ya" Hic!

Mrs D. Smith

Carrow Rd,Norwich.

2010

How the crowd was stunned into silence with those magic words.

Thank you  for that reply Ramruna, my post was tounge in cheek.

we would like to think that so was Charlies but somehow i doubt it

John W, I went to the The National Civil Rights Museum, in April, it's in the  Lorraine Motel where he was shot. Very moving experience, as was Robben Island.

He had a dream

The 64000$$$$ question is will people still be talking about the great greta speech in 60 years time ? Lets try 60 minutes

Poor old Charlie ffs

“If I can change, and you can change, everybody can change”
R. Balboa, Russia

It's not right, but I bowled the no-ball.
M. Amir, 2012

When you reach the end of your rope, tie a knot in it and hang on." - Edy Betfair chit chat forum 5 minutes ago

JWH
Put your hand up your arse and try and wring the sh!te out of you brain.
Charlie 2019

Incorrect.
JWH
Put your hand up your arse and try and wring the sh!te out of your brain.
Charlie 2019

It would be impossible for you to do that Charlie unless you are vertically head down  6 ft in the sand talking to mex

When seagulls follow the trawler it is because they think sardines will be thrown into the sea.

This always made sense to me and I can never work out why it's dismissed as nonsense.  Eric is the trawler, the journalists are the seagulls.  They follow him around in the constant hope that he'll feed them a quote or two that they can write about in their newspapers.

Yep. I would be put that in ahead of Greta thunberg tbh

That's one small step for [a] man, one giant leap for mankind

Neil Armstrong, Nevada Desert mid 1969

That french bloke talking about the seagulls and trawlers.

Alexander Solzhenitsyn's address to Harvard in 1978,  titled "A World Split Apart"

end of thread

I didn't hear that famous speech written by someone else no doubt for Greta to narrate.

What was she on about?

I understand they put her name forward for some peace prize?

That's another load of tosh.

I understand they put her name forward for some peace prize?
The name of the nominees and nominators are not allowed to be published for 50 years.
Greta got a lot of publicity. Everyone jumped on it. Nobel announcement was around the corner. Bookies filled their pockets too.
But we do not know if she was even considered or not.

I saw her name mentioned before they announced the winner.

The BBC News followed with no mention of the vote.

It crossed my mind that had it been the girl who won, the BBC would have made it their lead story.
Such is the BBC and its agenda.

Bookies filled their pockets too.

Bookies don't work like that. They make a book and adjust the prices to reflect the weight of money on each runner.
Ideally making the same amount of profit whichever one wins.

Yes I thought of that too when i wrote the bookies comment.

Anyways the Nobel website clearly says that unless the names have been leaked out by someone, they are pure speculation.

But her speech was painful. She should either improve or not be allowed to take up space like that when someone better can use that opportunity.

Charlie
Charlie23 Sep 19 18:33Joined: 01 Dec 01 | Topic/replies: 27,696 | Blogger: Charlie's blog
One of the greatest speeches of all time by Greta. I applaud her






  No wonder this country is going to hell rather quickly if there are lots of others as gullible.

William Hague taking the proverbial out of Gordon Brown to the huge amusement of All sides of the house

https://youtu.be/fZ26SmDzxHE

This is an incredible extract from a true American patriot . Bill Cooper. If anyone has never heard of Bill then look up his life story. Fascinating.

Now he really knew !

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LGVdJ8n0j94

Murdered for that.

You can only imagine what he would of made of the world today.

Lord yeah,i doubt even he could believe how quickly its taken shape so soon after 9/11, starting to build up now, if there is evil there has to be good,good always wins in the end but I don't think it will save us in this chapter of the story.

I think that lecture i highlighted was conducted in 1996 @ Lansing Michigan. I find Bill almost hypnotic.

The man was spot on.

Moses at the bottom of mount Sinai
Listen my fellow countrymen I'll keep it short
If history is anything to go by these 10 commandments are a waste of time .no one will take any notice .and people will carry on doing just what they want .
Go back to your houses and families and tell them it was a waste of time comeing here to
listen to me

The main line media gave a false account of the speech and printed the vaticans vertion of events

Ich bin ein Berliner - JFK Berlin 1963.

Masterful example of oratory which still sends shivers down my spine.

Victor Wooten , graduation commencement 2016 , 24 minutes . The speech is schmoltz but his control of the bass is superb .

"To be or not to be" - Dr Spock, Spitting Image
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1UNSuPYo8_Q

In case lfc looks in...

My Lord Chief Justice, as I wish to reach a much wider audience than I see before me here, I intend to read all that I propose to say. What I shall read now is something I wrote more than twenty days ago. I may say, my lord, at once, that I protest against the jurisdiction of this Court in my case on this charge, and the argument that I am now going to read is addressed not to this Court, but to my own countrymen.

With all respect I assert this Court is to me, an Irishman, not a jury of my peers to try me in this vital issue for it is patent to every man of conscience that I have a right, an indefeasible right, if tried at all, under this Statute of high treason, to be tried in Ireland, before an Irish Court and by an Irish jury. This Court, this jury, the public opinion of this country, England, cannot but be prejudiced in varying degree against me, most of all in time of war.

I did not land in England; I landed in Ireland. It was to Ireland I came; to Ireland I wanted to come; and the last place I desired to land in was England. But for the Attorney General of England there is only “England”—is no Ireland, there is only the law of England—no right of Ireland; the liberty of Ireland and of Irish is to be judged by the power of England. Yet for me, the Irish outlaw, there is a land of Ireland, a right of Ireland, and a charter for all Irishmen to appeal to, in the last resort, a charter that even the very statutes of England itself cannot deprive us of—nay, more, a charter that Englishmen themselves assert as the fundamental bond of law that connects the two kingdoms.

This charge of high treason involves a moral responsibility, as the very terms of the indictment against myself recite, inasmuch as I committed the acts I am charged with, to the “evil example of others in the like case.” What was this “evil example” I set to others in “the like case,” and who were these others? The “evil example” charged is that I asserted the rights of my own country, and the “others” I appealed to to aid my endeavour were my own countrymen.

The example was given not to Englishmen but to Irishmen, and the “like case” can never arise in England, but only in Ireland. To Englishmen I set no evil example, for I made no appeal to them. I asked no Englishman to help me. I asked Irishmen to fight for their rights. The “evil example” was only to other Irishmen who might come after me, and in “like case” seek to do as I did. How, then, since neither my example nor my appeal was addressed to Englishmen, can I be rightfully tried by them? If I did wrong in making that appeal to Irishmen to join with me in an effort to fight for Ireland, it is by Irishmen, and by them alone, I can be rightfully judged.

From this Court and its jurisdiction I appeal to those I am alleged to have wronged, and to those I am alleged to have injured by my “evil example,” and claim that they alone are competent to decide my guilt or my innocence. If they find me guilty, the statute may affix the penalty, but the statute does not override or annul my right to seek judgment at their hands.

This is so fundamental a right, so natural a right, so obvious a right, that it is clear the Crown were aware of it when they brought me by force and by stealth from Ireland to this country. It was not I who landed in England, but the Crown who dragged me here, away from my own country to which I had turned with a price upon my head, away from my own countrymen whose loyalty is not in doubt, and safe from the judgment of my peers whose judgment I do not shrink from. I admit no other judgment but theirs. I accept no verdict save at their hands. I assert from this dock that I am being tried here, not because it is just, but because it is unjust. Place me before a jury of my own countrymen, be it Protestant or Catholic, Unionist or Nationalist, Sinn Feineach or Orangemen, and I shall accept the verdict and bow to the statute and all its penal ties. But I shall accept no meaner finding against me than that of those whose loyalty I endanger by my example and to whom alone I made appeal. If they adjudge me guilty, then guilty I am. It is not I who am afraid of their verdict; it is the Crown. If this be not so, why fear the test? I fear it not. I demand it as my right.

That, my lord, is the condemnation of English rule, of English-made law, of English Government in Ireland, that it dare not rest on the will of the Irish people, but it exists in defiance of their will—that it is a rule derived not from right, but from conquest. Conquest, my lord, gives no title, and if it exists over the body, it fails over the mind. It can exert no empire over men’s reason and judgment and affections; and it is from this law of conquest without title to the reason, judgment, and affection of my own country men that I appeal. I would add that the generous expressions of sympathy extended me from many quarters, particularly from America, have touched me very much. In that country, as in my own I am sure my motives are understood and not misjudged for the achievement of their liberties has been an abiding inspiration to Irishmen and to all men elsewhere rightly struggling to be free in like cause.

My Lord Chief Justice, if I may continue, I am not called upon, I conceive, to say anything in answer to the inquiry your lordship has addressed to me why Sentence should not be passed upon me. Since I do not admit any verdict in this Court, I cannot, my lord, admit the fitness of the sentence that of necessity must follow it from this Court. I hope I shall be acquitted of presumption if I say that the Court I see before me now is not this High Court of Justice of England, but a far greater, a far higher, a far older assemblage of justices—that of the people of Ireland. Since in the acts which have led to this trial it was the people of Ireland I sought to serve—and them alone—I leave my judgment and my sentence in their hands...

My counsel has referred to the Ulster Volunteer movement, and I will not touch at length upon that ground save only to say this, that neither I nor any of the leaders of the Irish Volunteers who were founded in Dublin in November, 1913, had quarrel with the Ulster Volunteers as such, who were born a year earlier. Our movement was not directed against them, but against the men who misused and misdirected the courage, the sincerity and the local patriotism of the men of the north of Ireland. On the contrary, we welcomed the coming of the Ulster Volunteers, even while we deprecated the aims and intentions of those Englishmen who sought to pervert to an English party use—to the mean purposes of their own bid for place and power in England—the armed activities of simple Irishmen. We aimed at winning the Ulster Volunteers to the cause of a united Ireland. We aimed at uniting all Irishmen in a natural and national bond of cohesion based on mutual self-respect. Our hope was a natural one, and if left to ourselves, not hard to accomplish. If external influences of disintegration would but leave us alone, we were sure that Nature itself must bring us together.

How did the Irish Volunteers meet the incitements of civil war that were uttered by the party of law and order in England when they saw the prospect of deriving political profit to themselves from bloodshed among Irishmen? I can answer for my own acts and speeches. While one English party was responsible for preaching a doctrine of hatred designed to bring about civil war in Ireland, the other, and that the party in power, took no active steps to restrain a propaganda that found its advocates in the Army, Navy, and Privy Council—in the Houses of Parliament and in the State Church—a propaganda the methods of whose expression were so “grossly illegal and utterly unconstitutional” that even the Lord Chancellor of England could find only words and no repressive action to apply to them. Since lawlessness sat in high places in England and laughed at the law as at the custodians of the law, what wonder was it that Irishmen should refuse to accept the verbal protestations of an English Lord Chancellor as a sufficient safe guard for their lives and their liberties? I know not how all my colleagues on the Volunteer Committee in Dublin reviewed the growing menace, but those with whom I was in closest co-operation redoubled, in face of these threats from without, our efforts to unite all Irishmen from within. Our appeals were made to Protestant and Unionist as much almost as to Catholic and Nationalist Irishmen.

We hoped that by the exhibition of affection and good will on our part towards our political opponents in Ireland we should yet succeed in winning them from the side of an English party whose sole interest in our country lay in its oppression in the past, and in the present in its degradation to the mean and narrow needs of their political animosities. It is true that they based their actions, so they averred, on ‘‘fears for the Empire’’ and on a very diffuse loyally that took in all the people of the Empire, save only the Irish. That blessed word “Empire” that bears so paradoxical a resemblance to charity! For if charity begins at home, “Empire” means in other men’s homes and both may cover a multitude of sins. I for one was determined that Ireland was much more to me than “Empire,” and that if charity begins at home so must loyalty.

Since arms were so necessary to make our organisation a reality, and to give to the minds of Irishmen, menaced with the most outrageous threats, a sense of security, it was our bounden duty to get arms before all else.

We have been told, we have been asked to hope, that after this war Ireland will get Home Rule, as a reward for the life-blood shed in a cause which whoever else its success may benefit can surely not benefit Ireland. And what will Home Rule be in return for what its vague promise has taken and still hopes to take away from Ireland? It is not necessary to climb the painful stairs of Irish history—that treadmill of a nation whose labours are in vain for her own uplifting as the convict’s exertions are for his redemption—to review the long list of British promises made only to be broken—of Irish hopes raised only to be dashed to the ground. Home Rule when it comes, if come it does, will find an Ireland drained of all that is vital to its very existence—unless it be that unquenchable hope we build on the graves of the dead.

We are told that if Irishmen go by the thousand to die, not for Ireland, but for Flanders, for Belgium, for a patch of sand on the deserts of Mesopotamia, or a rocky trench on the heights of Gallipoli, they are winning self-government for Ireland. But if they dare to lay down their lives on their native soil, if they dare to dream even that freedom can be won only at home by men resolved to fight for it there, then they are traitors to their country, and their dream and their deaths alike are phases of a dishonourable phantasy.

But history is not so recorded in other lands. In Ireland alone in this twentieth century is loyalty held to be a crime. If loyalty be something less than love and more than law, then we have had enough of such loyalty for Ireland or Irishmen. If we are to be indicted as criminals, to be shot as murderers, to be imprisoned as convicts because our offence is that we love Ireland more than we value our lives, then I know not what virtue resides in any offer of self-government held out to brave men on such terms. Self-government is our right, a thing born in us at birth; a thing no more to be doled out to us or withheld from us by another people than the right to life itself—than the right to feel the sun or smell the flowers or to love our kind. It is only from the convict these things are withheld for crime committed and proven—and Ireland that has wronged no man, that has injured no land, that has sought no dominion, over others—Ireland is treated to-day among the nations of the world as if she were a convicted criminal.

If it be treason to fight against such an unnatural fate as this, then I am proud to be a rebel, and shall cling to my “rebellion” with the last drop of my blood. If there be no right of rebellion against a state of things that no savage tribe would endure without resistance, then I am sure that it is better for man to fight and die without right than to live in such a state of right as this. Where all your rights become only an accumulated wrong; where men must beg with bated breath for leave to subsist in their own land, to think their own thoughts, to sing their own songs, to garner the fruits of their own labours—and even while they beg, to see things inexorably withdrawn from them—then surely it is a braver, a saner and a truer thing, to be a rebel in act and deed against such circumstances as these than tamely to accept it as the natural lot of men.

My lord, I have done. Gentlemen of the jury, I wish to thank you for your verdict. I hope you will not take amiss what I said, or think that I made any imputation upon your truthfulness or your integrity when I spoke and said that this was not a trial by my peers. I maintain that I have a natural right to be tried in that natural jurisdiction, Ireland my own country, and I would put it to you, how would you feel in the converse case, or rather how would all men here feel in the converse case, if an Englishman had landed here in England and the Crown or the Government, for its own purposes, had conveyed him secretly from England to Ireland under a false name, committed him to prison under a false name, and brought him before a tribunal in Ireland under a statute which they knew involved a trial before an Irish jury? How would you feel yourselves as Englishmen if that man was to be submitted to trial by jury in a land inflamed against him and believing him to be a criminal, when his only crime was that he had cared for England more than for Ireland?

- Sir Roger Casement, Kangaroo Court, 1916.

Neil Armstrong, Nevada Desert mid 1969 Grin

I was told it was in a film studio in Arkansas!

When I was in engineering and the work load was thin ,the Scots shop steward stood up and addressed us all
THERE WILL BE NO REDUNDANCIES

THe following week he stood up and addressed us all again
HERE IS A LIST OF THE REDUNDANCIES


We all remember his words

We were not present during our nation's darkest hour; nor did we choose to be where we find ourselves again at this very moment, facing down a new coming storm.

We are here because it is necessary. We are here because no man of conscience may turn a blind eye.
The battle has come to us: it rages in our towns and cities;

In our schools and in our streets.

A dark cloud looms over our entire land.

We must now fight, so that the generations who proceed us will not wake up one day as a despised and persecuted minority on the very land which is their birthright;

Sacrificed on the altar of multiculturalism and unattainable equality.

Pushed aside to make way for those who are encouraged to come here seeking entitlement at the behest of those who have been taught to wallow in self-hate and shame for the glorious deeds of those who built this great nation.

Well, we say no!

We will not be shamed and we will not be cowed. We will revel in the glory of our great ancestors and we will take back what is rightfully ours, by birth and by the will of God.

The time has come,

Though, where mere words must give way to action. You, the individual, must take up this struggle, or else risk being confined to the dustbin of history. The time has come,

My brothers, to make a stand and be an example for others to follow in your stead! The task that we now face is an arduous one. The odds are great and we face a bitter struggle.

But should we choose not to engage, the consequences will be severe. We fight not for glory; we fight not for honour nor riches. We fight to secure the very existence of our people.

Victory may not be guaranteed, but at least in knowing that we did what we could, we can face our doom with our heads held high and our hearts full of pride. Come with us brothers!

Fight by our sides! We call on all of you present to honour the memory of our great ancestors and secure a future for generations of us to come.

Let them speak of us with reverence as the men who stood up, not curse us as the men who looked on while their civilization burned.

'And I'll tell you, honestly.  I would love it if we beat them.  Love it.'

KK. love it

SWC for Lux. Hard to argue with that tbf

Any one can make a good speech .it's not talking the talk it's walking the walk

Dr Steven Hawkins ?

SWC for Lux. Hard to argue with that tbf

Small White C o c K ?

Any Mauricio Pochettino press conference

This keeps getting taken down but found it again relatively recently. Blows my doors clean off every time... Oswald Mosley defending true diversity

www.youtube.com/watch?v=rJY6NhccW4c

Lux.. Great shout that one tbf.

The power of money and money alone. Quality. He knew

Lux, brilliant end of thread

Dambuster....Did you watch the Bill cooper clip i posted ?

ever since martin Johnson every sporting captain is supposedly made a winning speech at halftime,night before etc
Klopp
olazabal
Henderson
kane
Fergie
gerrard
etc etc
robin cook is praised to have made best political speech of recentimes over Iraq war and Hillary benn over Syrian invasion backing up Cameron was another
Gordon brown intervention was a supposed game changer in scotts reff but in  reality it was just a rouge poll the week before and victory was always in the bag

Ike Eisenhower Farewell Address  - 'Military Industrial Complex' WARNING

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OyBNmecVtdU

And this is why you simply cannot take anything that Charlie says as being serious.

Charlie
Charlie23 Sep 19 18:33Joined: 01 Dec 01 | Topic/replies: 27,696 | Blogger: Charlie's blog
One of the greatest speeches of all time by Greta. I applaud her


GRADE ONE GOON.

She's still yanking your chain.

Trump says he wants the country 'opened up and just raring to go by Easter,' despite health experts' warnings

Go Donald Go